August 8th, 2010

Call for Hunger strike To Support Iranian Hunger Strikers

Dear Freedom Loving People!

The oppressive Islamic Republic regime has turned Iran into a large prison for people by denying them their basic human rights such as freedom of expression and association. Within this general prison are specific locations such as the notorious Evin prison that the regime locks up political activists that mostly have peacefully demanded their democratic rights such as free media and fair elections. Most of these people are kept for months without being charged or tried. Some are kidnapped in the middle of night without informing their family or lawyer. Most are denied visitation rights. The slightest protest lands them in solitary confinement. Even after “judges” rule that they must be freed, some are kept for indefinite amount of time.

It is in protest against such mistreatment and demand for improving their prison conditions that 17 political prisoners in Evin who are kept in solitary confinement have gone on hunger strike since July 26, 2010. Their families outside the prison have joined them and gone on hunger strike after being denied visitation rights. Three of these prisoners are on “dry” hunger strike and a number of independent medical authorities have warned that most of strikers are in frail physical conditions, some life threatening.

The Solidarity Committee for Advancement of Democracy in Iran (SCADI-NY) is calling for a two-day symbolic hunger strike in front of the United Nations building in Manhattan from Thursday August 12th at 10 AM to support Evin strikers’ demands. Please spread the word and plan to join us for as long as you can afford.

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July 26th, 2010

Iranian Journalist for Time Magazine in Prison

Reza Rafii-Forushan, an Iranian stringer for Time magazine, appeals his frame-up in the following open letter. The Persian original is published on RAHANA’s website.

His Eminence Ayatollah Amoli Larijani

While submitting my greetings,

God is the Manifestation of truth, He loves truth and is disgusted with lies, for piety only takes form in truth and nowhere else, for without truth, neither faith nor piety appears before us. The human who worships God and seeks Him has the power to see the truth and can distinguish it from the false. The only people who refrain from seeing the truth are those who are afraid of it for various reasons and plot to eliminate it.

(Explanation: Publishing this as an open letter means that it is possible to send it on government stationary through the prison and the predetermined deadline to investigate it has come to an end, since nothing has effectively been done by Your Eminence about Your Servant’s appeal, and it has not even been confirmed that Your Eminence has yet received it, and since it has passed its legal course and there is nothing else to be done but to publish this appeal and complaint publicly and in an open form, we have thus come do to so.)

This appeal has been sent to Your Eminence so that, while stating the facts and distinguishing truth from falsehood and right from wrong, it might help you to come to the aid of trampled righteousness and the oppression which has been visited upon me, and by acquainting you with the essence the frame-up in Your Servant’s case and, in accordance with Article 34 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, I meekly appeal to you to review the absolute truth about Your Servant and the complaint lodged against the judge of Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court, Mr. [Abol-Qasem] Salavati,1 the Ministry of Intelligence, and the Voice and Visage of the Islamic Republic in a blatant and conspiratorial frame-up to hide the truth and poison the officials’ ideas and public opinion in such a way that they could not see the crowd and trample underfoot Articles 23, 35, 37, and 39 of the Islamic Republic’s Constitution and, ultimately, trample underfoot Your Servant’s human, Islamic, legal, and civil rights. According to Article 181 of the Constitution, I have the right to compensation for material and psychological damage and a rehabilitation of my character and punishment what those who spoke and acted against me.

A frame-up is not as a lack of knowledge, but active, the effect of evil forces the source of which is corrupt and violent efforts to mislead our senses and which nourishes in our souls the habit of resistance against right and wisdom. Should I have for an instant found it in myself to trust the idea that this frame-up resulted from the judges not having infinite wisdom and perhaps erring regarding some facts and that the judge does not investigate any case fully, and so Your Servant’s case, too, might perhaps be one of these instances, I would never have published this letter, and so I state that although you consider the institutions and individuals whom Your Servant is criticizing to be pure and clean, it might not be so, and their actions might to a large degree unconsciously arise from political aspirations or void perspectives.

And now I will break my bitter silence of one year. I will command you the proper and in the meantime call upon exalted God as witness that I am not saying anything but the truth and am avoiding lies and insults, and proceed to write the facts and my long-suffering complaint in hope that it might be received in that spirit.

An Explanation of the Events

At noon on Tir 6, 1388 [June 27, 2009], agents of the Ministry of Intelligence arrested Your Servant in his mother’s home and transferred him to of the Ministry of Intelligence’s terrifying Detention Center 209 located in Evin Prison. They imprisoned me in the narrow and filthy Solitary Confinement Cell 105, which measures 2 by 1.5 meters. I was kept for 43 days in the worst physical and psychological conditions and interrogated with beatings and deprived of any human or civil rights, my eyes blindfolded. These interrogators kept me under severe moral and psychological pressure, with threats and terror mixed with deception and trickery, trying to extract false confessions against myself and others.

For example, they insistently asked me to make a false confession against the sons of one of the statesmen whom I have the honor of knowing and pressured me to make a false confession to his having had an illegitimate relationship with the faithful and honorable wife of a former Majlis representative. Although I resisted their illegitimate and false demands, the psychological pressures exerted on Your Servant caused him to him to suffer anal bleeding which remained with me for some time.

Although in Your Servant’s opinion and according to Article 38 of the Constitution, all confessions under torture or duress lack value and credibility, explaining them to you will make you aware of the sort of interrogations which are practiced on the accused when he was arrested, and so  I will lay them out for you.

The interrogators centered on campaigning and electoral activities and investigating opinions about support for my preferred presidential candidate, whose suitability had been recognized by the Guardian Council, activities which had been carried out to attract votes of Iranians living abroad. These interrogations, contrary to Article 23 of the Constitution, were accompanied by inquisitions into beliefs and inappropriate insults and lying exaggerations, and on top of that, they brought under question the fundamental rights included in Article 27 of the Constitution about participating in the peaceful protest marches of 25 Khordad 1388 [June 15, 2009] in protest against how the elections were held and the votes were tabulated, the violation of the principle of impartiality by the Voice and Visage, the illegal support  by a number of members of the Guardian Council of one of the candidates and the culture utilized by the winning candidate and tried to link it with the street disturbances.

The interrogators then tried to denigrate Your Servant’s proud history as part of their agenda, an example of which follows:

First, there was Your Servant’s long years of press activity and collaboration with the respectable magazine Time, by insinuating this false presupposition that Time belonged to the Pentagon and was run by the CIA. I was accused of collaboration with the American intelligence organization merely based on this presupposition, overlooking the fact that this respectable magazine had had an active desk in Iran with the permission of the Ministry of [Culture and] Islamic Guidance for over twenty years and that all the presidents of the Islamic Republic of Iran, including Mr. Ahmadinejad, sat for interviews with it. Moreover, the Distributors’ Company, which is part of the Ministry of [Islamic] Guidance, distributed it in Iran.

Following this, my legal activity as president of the Iran-Swiss Friendship Society, which is an NGO and has been confirmed as being licensed by the Iranian Ministry of the Interior and works to bring the people of Switzerland and Iran closer and which organized cultural and scholarly meetings and exhibitions to gather funds for student stipends for the children of this homeland, done with the legal cooperation of the Swiss embassy in Tehran as laid out in the society’s founding statement, was also denigrated and I was accused of spying for Switzerland. On the excuse that the Swiss embassy staff members in Tehran are American spies, they continued hurling groundless accusations against Your Servant.

From the point of view of the honorable interrogators, Your Servant was and is absolutely a born American spy. They had no need to present any arguments or documents to confirm this charge and Your Servant’s higher education and long sojourn in Switzerland and America were only presuppositions and false evidence against Your Servant. But since I answered all the interrogators’ oral and written questions honestly and rejected all their vain charges decisively, the interrogators focused on Your Servant’s activities in the media companies in the UAE.

Your Servant began his activity six years ago in a private media company in Dubai by starting broadcasts and providing technical support for television channels via Arabic satellites, the greatest pride of which was founding and supporting the television channel Kerbala, whose endowment was for the pure shrine of Imam Hosein (Upon whom be peace!). This channel spread Shiite culture among the Arabic countries and was under the direct supervision of Ayatollah Sistani and the honorable officials of the pure shrine of Imam Hosein (Upon whom be peace!)

Five years before, one of Iran’s statesmen, who had been one of the highest officials in the system for years, asked Your Servant to set up a special satellite television channel. This channel was set up, but I refrained from sending its programs up from the antenna because of the National Security Council of Iran’s clear statement that this channel’s activities were illegal, and I even accepted all the resulting financial losses of these people. The Ministry of Intelligence’s interrogators, paying no attention to my having held fast to the law, took this as another excuse to charge me.

Finally, Your Servant’s broad working connections with state and government officials of Iraq and the UAE, which were the result of having set up the Kerbala Channel, and which had no connection with Iran, was also taken as an occasion for raising the charge of espionage, of which I considered and consider myself exonerated by honest answers to the questions they raised.

On 12 Mordad 1388 [August 3, 2009], the interrogators sent a copy of Kayhan to solitary confinement cell 105 in which the confessions of some leading figures of the reform faction in court were published, and the accused, who from the beginning of his confinement had no access to newspapers or any kind of news about the events outside the prison, studied them earnestly. That very night, the interrogators threatened me, saying that I had shown absolutely no cooperation and so they would issue a hodud punishment and that if I were to continue to not cooperate, Your Servant would be sent to the basement of Detention Center 209 for a “reception” and the execution of hodud.

This session lasted for hours and finally, frightened of a lengthy and illegal imprisonment in a cage which they named a seclusion cell and in which I would be at the mercy of the guards for the most minor human needs, such as going to the toilet, so that they might keep the accused prisoner for hours under the pressure of his intestines, colon, and bladder or even be so obstinate as to make the accused wallow in his own excrement and so force him to give in to their demands.

I firmly believed that the day would come when their lawlessness and the frame-up for implementing this conspiratorial plot of the Ministry of Intelligence would be exposed. And so, I prepared myself to cooperate with them to be freed from my imprisonment. What I did not expect was the Ministry of Intelligence’s insistence on Your Servant’s continued and unrelieved imprisonment to prevent the revelation of this great feast.

Starting the next day, the interrogation sessions were turned into sessions for making excuses and practicing the text of a false and forged defense prepared by the Ministry of Intelligence. In the space of less than a week, I went before the cameras three times to read a statement prepared in advance and it was revised according to the interrogators and people who had by now joined them, though I could not see their faces because of the blindfolds. Then, on Friday, 16 Khordad 1388 [June 6, 2009], which fell on mid-Shaaban, the birthday of His Holiness the Imam of the Age, they transferred me to the Palace of Justice. It was closed, but I, and nine other prisoners, all of whom were dressed in the uniform of Detention Center 209, along with a number of Ministry of Intelligence operations officers, entered the courtroom and read the prepared text before the Judiciary’s representatives of that time and representatives of the Ministry of Intelligence and the Voice and Visage cameras which had been brought along by Mr. Shamshadi’s organization’s reporters. Voice and Visage, in an inappropriate, un-Islamic, and illegal move, went and broadcast this false and forced exercise in its 8:30 Channel Two program.

From among the ten people present in the exercise session in the Palace of Justice, five were chosen to be present in the fake show trial of Saturday 17 Mordad 1388 [August 8, 2009], known as the Foreigner’s Trial. This was a show trial since it was rehearsed before it was performed and it was fake because the texts which we read had been prepared in advance.

Saturday morning, I, along with Ms. Reiss, the French citizen, was once more transferred to the Palace of Justice by a personal car accompanied by Ministry of Intelligence operations forces so that I could be “tried” in public by Judge Salavati, the judge of Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court, in front of the Voice and Visage’s cameras and in the presence of the magazines’ journalists and photographers. Yet the Voice and Visage’s broadcasting and the magazine’s reporting of Your Servant’s name and taking advantage of me before having even confirmed the charges was against the shariat and a clear violation of the law and Article 29 of the Islamic Republic’s constitution. This has offended the accused’s honor and person and is therefore illegal and can be litigated under criminal law, particularly since it was a conspiratorial frame-up between various security institutions, the judiciary, and the Islamic Republic’s Voice and Visage to deceive public opinion and the court of the nation’s officials concerning an event, which had vast consequences in the country’s security, this in and of itself being a clear measure against national security through conspiring and making a frame-up.

In this fake court, Judge Salavati officially began the trial with a pure lie. He announced before the Voice and Visage cameras and the reporters, “The accused had defense lawyers and met with their lawyers and their lawyers reviewed their clients’ files.” This speech of the judge was not true, at least in my case, since not only had I been deprived of having a lawyer and had not met with any lawyer, but there was not even any cross-examination (unless it could be done blindfolded) and the code of appeals was not obeyed in Your Servant’s case. I saw that individual who was forced by the court to be my imposed lawyer for the first time in the courtroom.

Did such a court, under such conditions, generally satisfy my human and legal rights? Do we need another reason for a retrial? Wasn’t the Islamic Republic’s judiciary aware of this frame-up?

In this court, I read prepared texts parts of which, of course, I refrained from reading on the excuse that I had forgotten them. But on the whole, instead of defending myself, I would confirm the charges brought against me in the indictment against myself and here I believe that according to Article 38 of the Constitution, since these statements had been expressed under pressure and compulsion, they lacked and lack any value or credibility.

After the court, along with Ms. Reiss, and separated from the other accused, were sent to Iran’s Guantanemo, i.e., Detention Center 209 of the Ministry of Intelligence, Your Servant was once again transferred that same day to cell 52 in which three accused were imprisoned which had twice the dimensions of the previous cell, that same day and after 43 days of imprisonment in solitary confinement.

Forty days later, I was summoned to Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court. There, Judge Salavati, in the presence of the lawyer appointed by that court, gave me a letter of representation by the imposed lawyer for me to sign. I told them that I had a defense lawyer and preferred to have a lawyer of my choice take up my defense and that I would refrain from signing. Judge Salavati announced that no other lawyer would be allowed access to the case and that should I refuse to accept the imposed lawyer, the next session to investigate my case would be put off for six months. I was therefore forced and, in order to prevent my period of imprisonment from being extended, I accepted the lawyer appointed by the court as my lawyer.

The only written question which was then asked of me as my last defense was, “You are accused of spying. What defense do you have?” And so I explained my defense and rejected the charge, which was given me by my court-appointed lawyer, who had still not studied Your Servant’s case and could be of no help for me on the defense brief. Then, when I protested the judge’s disregard for the courtroom’s bylaws and how he was taking false statements, I was expelled from the court’s office.

Yes, Your Eminence Ayatollah Larijani,

Your Servant was tried and convicted without the court’s bylaws being followed, without cross-examination, and without having a lawyer for the defense. Please say how an innocent man, a protesting citizen who, in the course of being interrogated with eyes blindfolded, slapped and punched on all sides by interrogators and forced to make a false confession against himself and, when he looked with hope on the judiciary, saw such courts and behavior and activities which violate the judicial dignity and honor of the judge and despaired of achieving what was right and just for him, he could do anything and to what sound authority could he complain?

By writing this letter, I want to set the truth and the lie before your eyes and those of other officials, since everyone knows that if they face each other on an even and just playing field, truth will defeat falsehood.

At the beginning of Aban 1388 [the end of October 2009], I was once more summoned to Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court and made aware that I was condemned for the crime of espionage and sentenced to at least seven years of prison and forbidden to leave the country for five years after suffering imprisonment because of the unjust trial against me.  I protested this.

Ten days later, Mssr. Judge Jaafari-Dawlatabadi met me in Interrogation Center 209 and I declared that I had still not had an opportunity to study the charges and prepare a defense brief for a retrial and asked him to kindly do something so that I could meet with my own chosen lawyer and prepare a bill of defense for an appeal and present it before the twenty day deadline is up.

This turned out to have been possible two days before the deadline and the imposed lawyer, instead of Your Servant’s chosen lawyer, holding a hand-written copy of the charges which he refused to provide me, received permission to meet with me for two hours for me to, within two hours, lay out a defense brief for an appeal concerning a vital and essential case concerning charges which were so vast. In fact, I did practically all the work.

After 150 days of prison in Detention Center 209 of the Ministry of Intelligence, early in Azar 1388 [late November], I was transferred to Prison 250 in Evin Prison in a cell with five prisoners. The ruling on my appeal arrived in 12 Bahman 1388 [February 1, 2010]. In this ruling, Your Servant’s crime was changed from Article 501, i.e., espionage, to Article 610, i.e., conspiracy against national security and the period of imprisonment was changed from seven years to four, although I was still firmly forbidden from leaving the country. It was very satisfied that the crime of espionage had been removed. Although the judge did not explain the new crime to me and I had no possibility of defending myself, this was not so strange, considering the illegal policy pursued in Your Servant’s case.

Now that I am writing you this letter from the hoseineh of Hall 8, Cell 3 of the Rajaishahr prison of Karaj, which is Your Servant’s illegal place of exile, it has been over a year that I have been imprisoned in the Islamic Republic’s prisons. Now that I have broken the silence, I expect that you will say what my rights were as a citizen and how they have been trampled, how the dignity of a citizen can be so assaulted and how his character and honor can be so trampled, being called a spy for a foreign power and having this charge mentioned in all the magazines and the Voice and Visage, along with his name and photograph being broadcast and called a plotter against national security and there being no avenue for redress in this ancient land which calls itself Islamic to the oppression visited upon him.

Now that so much of what they wanted to keep hidden has been expressed and you as Chief Justice have become aware of the truth, your duty as a human, in accordance with the sharia, and in accordance with the law is to investigate and protect Your Servant’s legal and human interests. I ask you that, in speedily and justly investigating the statements included in this letter and in reviewing the case, to do something about the requests and complaints set out in this appeal and impartially allow the truth to come out and consider the instructions called for regarding the following matters:

  1. I request that you issue an order that Your Servant’s case be sent to a suitable trial owing to violations of the juridical bylaws for judicial review so that it might be organized publically and in the presence of reporters so that Your Servant might be able to defend himself with a defense lawyer of his own choosing.
  2. I request that until this trial is organized, it be ordered that the execution of the sentence be suspended so that there might be sufficient time to gather documents and summon witnesses to confirm my innocence.
  3. I request an investigation into Your Servant’s complaints against the Ministry of Justice and those who spoke and acted to put this conspiracy into action to trample Your Servant’s rights, force him to state lies and use this to mislead public opinion and outrage his honor and character and, while calling for damages for financial and psychological loses, call for punishing the guilty in a suitable court.
  4. I request an investigation into Your Servant’s complaints against Judge Salavati, who was the driving force behind this conspiracy and broadcasted Your Servant’s charges, name, and face before confirming the crime which led to offending Your Servant’s honor and character, along with his recklessness in not carefully implementing the judicial bylaws, behavior violating judicial prestige and honor, preventing the accused from having a defense attorney chosen by himself, issuing an undocumented and unreasoned opinion, to compensate for the material and psychological damages done and to punish the guilty.
  5. I request an investigation into the Your Servant’s complaints  against the Islamic Republic’s Voice and Visage, which broadcasted interrogations and false confessions issued under duress and without Your Servant’s consent and published Your Servant’s face, name, and accusations before the crime was confirmed, and compensation for the financial and psychological damages suffered and being given the possibility to have equal time to restore my character, and to punish the guilty, in a suitable court.
  6. I request you order a judgment to remove existing obstacles to choose and meet with a defense attorney and prepare and organize a brief in a true fashion and present it to the judiciary.
  7. I request that you order a judicial inquiry as soon as possible to return Your Servant’s wealth seized by the judiciary’s officers, the value of which is about twenty million tumans and which includes a number of photographer’s cameras and film holders and a number of computers and a number of mobile phones, etc., and return my national ID card, my military service exemption card, my passport, more than six international banking cards and credit cards, and personal documents and computer memory cards which include family pictures. According to law and Ayatollah Khomeini’s testament, entering into the private sanctuary of individuals is a crime.
  8. I request that you earnestly issue an order for a judicial inquiry concerning restraint on the judiciary’s officers in using or abusing family and private pictures and photographs in an effort to denigrate and taking advantage of them in the magazines and Voice and Visage with the aim of character assassination and bringing under question issues raised in this letter and trampling the rights of the complainant so that not obeying this matter will be followed by their legal prosecution.

Your Eminence Ayatollah Amoli-Larijani,

I know that the violation of Your Servant’s fundamental, human, and legal rights took place before your enthronement as president of the judiciary and that your lack of awareness regarding these complaints is understandable and no one had accused you or is accusing you of anything. I completely believe that this frame-up was kept from the high-ranking officials and was carried out by a special group acting on its own, but now that Your Eminence has heard what I have to say, let him take speedy measures to eliminate oppression and carry out justice. Any delay or attempt to prevent justice from being carried out through neglecting the requests laid out here or thought transferring Your Servant to an unknown place or cutting off relations between Your Servant and his family would mean eliminating the possibility of restoring Your Servant’s rights and character by the judiciary of the Islamic Republic. Therefore, may you consider these rights restored and protected for Your Servant and my family living abroad so that, through investigation and implementing justice for Your Servant using all suitable international authorities and organizations in objecting and complaining in every way deemed proper, we can struggle against oppression. And so, in order to witness the exercising of justice in our homeland and hope for a daily increase in pride and prosperity for the Iranians and Iran, we await Your Eminence’s speedy measures.

Reza Rafii-Forushan
Prisoner of Jail 2, Salon 8, Rajaishahr Prison, Karaj, Alborz Province, Iran

cc: Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, Leader of the Islamic Republic, so that he might be apprised and do what is proper
Article 90 Commission of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, so that it might do what is proper
National Supreme Court, so that it might do what is proper

Notes:
1 “Chief of the Revolutionary Islamic Court and alternative judge of the Tehran Public Courts. He has in recent years been the judge for sensitive cases.” These included the trials of those accused of participating in the Velvet Coup, leading to the execution of Mohammad-Reza Ali-Zamani and Arash Rahmanipur. He also convicted the journalist and human rights reporter Said Matinpur to seven years in prison on charges of engaging in propaganda against the Islamic Republic. When he was not able to get the satirist Sayyed Ebrahim Nabavi to answer a summonds, he detained his lawyer and threatened him. (Wikipedia)

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July 11th, 2010

Senior Fellow at WINEP Praises the Late Ayatollah Fadlallah of Lebanon

Mehdi Khalaji, a Senior Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), a hawkish pro-Israel think-tank, wrote the following memoir of his relationship with the late Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah. The article largely stands on its own, and is valuable reading on its right. It is particularly poignant given that CNN’s senior Middle East editor Octavia Nasr was fired for tweeting her regrets on this figure’s passing. The irony of Octavia Nasr being fired from a nominally neutral news outlet for mourning the death of an enemy of the Israeli state while senior staffer of a militantly pro-Israel think tank gets to say that and more without even a thought of losing his job will not be lost on any reader who is not completely blinded by the conventional wisdom in America on the Arab-Israeli dispute.

The translation appears below, followed by the translator’s comments. As a translator, I feel I should say that the transliteration of Arabic/Persian names is a bit of a hodgepodge. I prefer to follow the standard usage to make the translation more readable to the reader who lacks these language skills and to make the page more search-engine friendly.

The original article appears here.

Fadlallah, the Unusual and Unique Faqih

Mehdi Khalaji

The first time I sat with Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah was in Zainabiya, Damascus, in the porch of his home for about two hours. My friend and I, two educated youths from Qom, had heard his voice from afar and were eager to visit him. There was a seminary around his home in Zainabiya where he would go from Beirut for several days each week for years to teach the students.

Of cheerful mien, friendly, humble, and kind, he received us and patiently answered our “infidel-type” questions. Those were years of unequal combat with Ayatollah Khamenei. Ayatollah Khamenei had launched a propaganda war in Qom as well as Lebanon against him.

One of the leading and renown Shiite clerics of Lebanon told me that His Eminence Jaafar Mortaza Amili,  had received a million dollars from His Eminence Khamenei to, in the name of setting up madrasehs, launch a propaganda campaign against Fadlallah in Southern Lebanon. Ayatollah Khamenei saw Fadlallah’s influence and authority as an obstacle to his own political influence in Hezbollah and, indeed, among the Shia of Lebanon and tried to portray him as lacking the power of ijtihad and even having a whiff of innovation about him and violating the well-known principles of Shiism.

The last time was six years ago, when I saw him in his home in Beirut. This time, I went from Europe to visit him. He listened to me with that same simplicity, honesty, and patience he always showed for about two hours and answered my questions. He was very upset by Ayatollah Khamenei. He said, When they declare this man “The Custodian of the World’s Muslims,” doesn’t he ask himself what kind of a meaningless title this is? And how does he expect that all the Shiites would consider him their custodian? And how is such an expectation logical when it comes to the Sunnis? And then his heart bled for the Qom clergy who, as he put it, live hundreds of years behind his times. He said, “I would recite ‘Lord, forgive my people. Indeed, they know not.’

In recent years, nursing an ambition to have an office in Qom, he entered into something of a reconciliation with the Islamic Republic and received its officials and said things which would suit their nature. These same officials, too, nursed an ambition that he should open an office in Qom so that they could use it to keep him sweet and repair the appearance of a relationship with him.

It was as if Ayatollah Khamenei had understood that it was impossible to completely eliminate Fazlallah from Lebanon and Fazlallah, for his part, had agreed that since [as Saadi wrote],

You do not have sharp, lacerating claws
It would be best to infrequently get into fights with beasts.

The money which Ayatollah Khamenei spent in Lebanon was not in the same league as the insignificant income Fadlallah received for his religious wages from his few followers.

In an interview with Ms. Muna Sakariya, he said,

People have said to me, “The problem is not with your opinions and fatwas, but with Kuwaiti dinars and Saudi rials. You might use your religious authority to attract this money to yourself …” It was for this reason that they considered my religious authority a danger.

Second, there was the problem with the religious authority being Arab. They were not very happy with the religious authority being Arab.

Third, my religious authority was a danger for that of His Eminence Khamenei, since my cultural and political perspective was broader than his … They very much wished that the religious authority would remain in Iran, and if they put up with His Eminence Sistani’s religious authority, it was only because Iraq’s peculiar political circumstances gave them no option.

(عن سنوات و مواقف و شخصیات، منی سکریه، دارالنهار، بیروت، 2007، ص. 69)

Fazlallah was a Lebanese faqih. His being Lebanese was not the only feature which showed his ancestry. Rather, his way of thinking and manner of doing fiqh also showed this. Lebanon is a fairground of thought and politics, and the faqih in this intellectual and political display cannot be a scribe like the anti-political faqihs of Najaf or the politics-smitten faqihs of Qom. Fadlallah knew Lebanese society well, like Musa Sadr, and did fiqh based on this knowledge.

During the years of war and beyond, when pious women had no opportunity to marry or saw their opportunities as having slipped away or were far from their husbands, Muhammad Husain Fadlallah declared female masturbation permitted, arguing that masturbation [استمنا] entails the release of sperm and women do not have sperm; but his answer to this request for a fatwa was in essence rooted in expedience:

In our research and review, through the requests for fatwas which had been made of us, we have looked at the depths of the problem under certain circumstances, such as when a woman’s husband is in prison or the woman does not know if her husband is alive or dead, or under circumstances pertaining to being between divorce and the continuation of the marriage, etc.

In the event of the husband’s absence, the commandment for this is well-known, that the wife must wait for four years after which the sharia judge can grant her a divorce, and if her provider gives her her alimony, she must live like this the rest of her life. Or if her husband is exiled to another country for a period which is not ordinarily tolerable and becomes a refugee and is not able to see his wife. [sic]

Under these circumstances, lethal sexual difficulties will appear which compel the faqih to come up with a positive outcome if he can by using the sharia’s logic so as to think up a solution to solve this problem. Naturally, masturbation leads to special problems of its own, but from the point of view of the sharia, abstinence or putting off this problem leaves behind greater problems for the woman’s life, particularly a married woman who has no solution under the sharia to solve her sexual problems.

These are matters which compelled me to study and review the subject in a sharia-responsible fashion.

Similarly, Fadlallah believed that in sexual intercourse, if the man comes but leaves the woman without having reached the peak of pleasure, “he has committed an unethical and inhuman act.”

From these personal matters to political and social issues, Fadlallah was a pragmatist. In the interview he gave to Ms. Muna Sakariyah, he clearly said that he is in agreement with the velayat-e faqih in Iran, since it is in harmony with the Islamic Republic’s system, but is opposed to it in Lebanon, since it is not in harmony with the political realities there. (ibid., pp. 172-173)

Fadlallah was an unusual faqih. He was a poet and had a divan of qasidas and ghazals and discussed his poetry on television with litterateurs. He had many love poems and his poetry was far from that of the religious bazaari. He held conversations with intellectuals. He participated in conferences and seminars and television programs in those days when he was not so broken and exhausted. He discussed with critics of fiqh and religiosity, and when the Sunni sheikhs smote Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid with the fist of takfir, he defended him alongside the other intellectuals of the Islamic world, although he did not approve of his views.

Fadlallah was considered Hezbollah’s spiritual father and even issued fatwas permitting suicide missions, but kept himself removed from party relations. He was revered by the Shia independently of Hezbollah and for precisely this reason he enjoyed unparalleled respect and credibility among non-Shias. Fadlallah was the sole religious Shiite powerhouse of whom there was none more moderate and thoughtful in all of Lebanon. It was for this reason that not only as a Shiite faqih, but as a Lebanese figure that he will enjoy a prominent position in the contemporary history of this country.

Fadlallah was a unique faqih. He was pragmatic, realistic, and moderate in issuing fatwas while being politically hard-line. Fadlallah was a counter-example to the hypothesis that moderate faqihs were necessarily apolitical and secular.

Fadlallah, in comparison with the average age of a normal cleric, left this world early. His death was a great boon for the Islamic Republic and for Ayatollah Khamenei. There is no longer a Shiite religious powerhouse in the way of Hezbollah and, for that matter, Iran’s assault on Lebanon. And now his death will have severe consequences, particularly for the Lebanese Shia. They have no choice but to abandon their traditional powers and form or strengthen modern powers in parties or groups against Hezbollah.

It is impossible to resist consigning Shiism to Hezbollah in Lebanon using some other religious authority. Lebanon’s Shiite society has no choice but to take seriously the formation of political and modern institutions. The disappearance of Musa Sadr and the death of Fadlallah have uprooted the hopes in religious authorities of Lebanon’s Shia society, a society which wants to break from Hezbollah and preserve its tribal and religious character in Lebanon and act within the framework of the country’s national interest.

The national mourning in Iran for Fadlallah has taken on the form of shameless fraud. Qom’s faqihs who had anathemized him in their lessons and ordered that notices saying, “God’s curse upon the killer of Fatima al-Zahra” to be pasted everywhere as an allusion to cursing him, are now satisfied. [In Shiite historiography, the killers of Fatima al-Zahra, the daughter of the Prophet Mohammad and husband of Imam Ali, were supposed to have been Umar ibn al-Khattab, who assaulted her while she was pregnant, leading to her death months later. The recitation of this event in all its horror is part of Shiite martyrology. Evidently this is a reference to Sheikh Fadlallah's having reached out to the Sunnis.]  The Islamic Republican government is now relieved of the burden of spending money to outflank Fadlallah.

[end of translation]

The article somewhat trims the ayatollah’s beard a bit. He died an implacable foe of the Israeli state. Reuters reported, “[A]  nurse asked Ayatollah Fadlallah what he needed. Without hesitation, he replied, ‘For the Zionist entity to cease to exist.’” He was commonly believed to have been involved in the bombing of the Marine and French paratroopers barracks in 1983 and the CIA tried to assassinate him him using a high-powered car bomb which narrowly missed killing him, but did kill 80 people and wounded hundreds of others.

The last paragraphs also seem politically skewed. After the June 2006 Hezbollah-Israel war, it would surprise me to think that the Lebanese Shia feel that an Iranian onslaught is their biggest problem and that Hezbollah is the enemy against whom they have to organize. I would imagine it is quite the opposite: That the Lebanese Shia see Hezbollah as a source of power and the Islamic Republic of Iran as powerful ally. Saying this brings me no satisfaction, but it seems pretty clearly to be the truth.

http://www.phrases.org.uk/meanings/142050.html
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March 15th, 2010

Amnesty International Falls for the Taraneh Mousavi Hoax

AI’s First Report on the Hoax
On December 2009, I read on an Amnesty International website that this organization was taking up the Taraneh Mousavi hoax. This alarmed me, since it was playing with AI’s reputation and that of the broader struggle for human rights in Iran.  I wrote a message to AI expressing my concerns in the text box provided on its site. I received a timely and courteous response from Drewery Dyke , who has been Amnesty International’s researcher on Iran since 1999, about a week later.

I responded the next day.

There followed a day or so of trying to arrive at a time we could converse. This proved to be difficult. After not hearing from AI for six weeks, I tried to reestablish contact.

All I received in response was an out of office message. I sent one last message and heard from AI no more.

The Hoax Integrated into AI’s Report
While pondering what to do next, I noticed that Amnesty International has come out with a report on the events in Iran after the June 2009 elections titled Iran: Election Contested, Repression Compounded. The report has its own weaknesses. Although for the most part it is a damning indictment of the crackdown on civil liberties launched after the elections by Iran’s ruling military-clerical clique, it seemed to me to lack the professional quality one comes to expect from Amnesty International, the gold standard of human rights groups. There was the odd mistranslation (narm afzari means software, not intellectual). More seriously, there are too many “was said to have’s” and undocumented statements. (“In the hours following the closure of the polls, the Ministry of the Interior was said to have confidentially informed Mir Hossein Mousavi that he had won.” (p. 17))
Most disturbing to me was its continuing the above-mentioned indefensible championing of the Taraneh Mousavi hoax, to which it devotes an entire section. (pp. 42-43) This section begins:

On 28 June, 28-year-old Taraneh Mousavi, along with upwards of 2,000 other demonstrators, went to the Ghoba Mosque, north-central Tehran, where they intended to take part in a commemoration for those killed in the then ongoing unrest, in the context of a pre-arranged commemoration for a prominent figure killed in 1981.

This is not what the report’s sources say. In these sources, she was depicted as a bystander who was caught up in the repression because she went into the Qoba Mosque to say hello to a friend (or, in an allied blog, she was arrested for her looks.) (By the way,  how does the blogger know that she went to the mosque to talk to a friend? Was s/he observing her movements? How do we know that the basijis arrested her because of her looks? This magic insight into a character’s thought-processes are tell-tale signs that we are dealing with a piece of fiction.) The English-language translation of a source that AI did not quote (Iranian-e Chap–this blog has been eliminated and the account survives on the websites affiliated with the Worker-Communist Party of Iran) does have her being a participant in the demonstration. The sources AI cites do not, and this is not how the story has come to be accepted by its upholders.

The report continues:

From information collected by Amnesty International, it appears that around five hours after her arrest she disappeared. An anonymous telephone call several days later informed her parents that she had been raped, had tried to commit suicide and had been taken to Emam Khomeini Hospital in Karaj. On arrival at the hospital her parents found that she had not been registered at the hospital. They were told that someone fitting Taraneh Mousavi’s description had been seen by a nurse, but that she had been taken away while unconscious. In the following days, unconfirmed reports suggested that Taraneh Mousavi had been tortured at Evin Prison, but it was unclear when this may have been.

The report does not mention the nature of this “information collected by Amnesty International”. Were these the same “unconfirmed reports” on which the story of her torture is based? And where did these “unconfirmed reports” themselves come from? The report continues:

Eighteen days after her arrest, on around 16 July, unnamed officials reportedly informed her parents that a burned corpse resembling Taraneh Mousavi’s description had been found in the scrubland between Karaj and Qazvin.

Who “reportedly” had this information? The report is silent on this point.

The original source of this story comes from a group of bloggers who “took up” (or invented) her case, on July 17, according to AI. In fact, zeerzamin took up the case July 13, after which it was parroted by cherikonline, the only primary sources AI gives for the case. (We will discuss these sources further below.) Amnesty International’s report on the affair concludes with the unsubstantiated allegation “Taraneh Mousavi’s mother was later removed from her house and reportedly taken by the authorities into ‘protective custody’”. This is mentioned by no blogger I am aware of, and in any case in unattributed. It was not mentioned in AI’s December report on the subject mentioned above either.

We now pass to the bloggers whom AI sourced in its report, as well as the blogger who possibly initiated this hoax and which AI does not cite.

Source 1: The Online Guerilla
Cherik Online (the Online Guerrilla) is a blogger located in the West. (His date entries are entirely in the Western calendar, something unthinkable inside Iran). We know nothing more of him than that he admires Dostoyevsky’s maxim that when he was in prison, he realized that solitude was more valuable than freedom. He has a record of “breaking” stories based on his own uncorroborated self as a source, some of which are quite ridiculous. Thus, in one issue, he reported that Ahmadinejad consulted Indian fortune tellers while visiting that country. No other press source had uncovered these secret séances, but the Online Guerrilla, from his perch in Europe, sniffed it out!
CherikOnline’s particular stock in trade are his private insight into the secrets of the Iranian military, mostly concerning the imminent disintegration of the repressive forces. He said that the Iranian government was organizing a provocation against the Basij in which an explosion would cause massive casualties. He claimed that many soldiers and members of the security service were fleeing their posts, not wanting to attack the demonstrators. In a similar vein, he claimed that a major leader of the Revolutionary Guards was being disciplined for refusing to lead his forces against the people. This was a story which was widely echoed, including, initially, by myself.  It was shown to be completely false when this officer leveled a violent threat against the demonstrators and showed that he was full of enthusiasm for head-breaking. When the truth came out, our guerrilla complained that the circulation of the story as a rumor and its ultimate discrediting was part of a psychological war against the opposition. There was, of course, no thought of taking responsibility for having launched this baseless rumor himself. After all, it was circulated in his own name. Along the same lines, he published a “letter” from members of the repressive forces urging former Revolutionary Guard commander and conservative presidential candidate Mohsen Rezai to continue to protest against the government. Of course, no such letter ever surfaced. These stories, and dozens more like them, are presented on the sole authority of the blogger, who, again, claims to have access from his station in the West to privileged information from Iran, information of which no sources inside of Iran seem to have any knowledge.
I have spent more time on my blog reporting about cherikonline’s role in perpetrating the Taraneh Mousavi hoax than I care to think, and the reader is referred to these articles. In a lengthy attack on Iranians who doubted the Taraneh Mousavi story, this blogger argued that it was impossible to reveal the whereabouts of Taraneh Mousavi’s family, since this would jeopardize them (and this, despite saying in which district of Tehran they lived and what her father’s profession is!) Yet in a recent post, he writes,

The Green Movement has held gatherings for many of the its martyrs on their fortieth. If there is any inclination to gather for the fortieth of Taraneh Mousavi’s passing and this is officially announced over the media at the Green Movement’s disposal, CherikOnline will publish the address of Taraneh Mousavi’s house.

So after all the protestations that CherikOnline cannot reveal its sources because of security considerations, it offers to blow everyone’s cover if the Green Movement would officially recognize its story!

Source 2: The Underground Sock Puppet
Zeerzamin is another blog apparently published in the West. (Like CherikOnline, it uses the Western calendar.) Its blogger openly admits that his blog had been set up to spread the Taraneh Mousavi story, and so one cannot consider it to be an independent source. It would be as if a blog set up specifically to spread the story that Vincent Foster had been murdered by Hillary Clinton was cited as a source of information about this rumor. In most cases, a blog is the source for a story. In this case, the story is the source for a blog. One of its articles actually criticizes those who won’t take the story seriously because it has no sources. Um, yeah.

Source 3: Omid Habibinia’s Rape Fantasies
The third source, which AI does not cite, presumably because he had taken down the website on which he had posted his Taraneh Mousavi stories several months ago, was Iranian-e Chap (Leftist Iranians). This was a group founded by Omid Habibinia. He played a central role in setting this hoax in motion, and so his credibility should also be examined.
Habibinia seems partial to rape stories. He published another such story featuring a beautiful young Iranian woman with her face barely fuzzed out. She is not talking—it is a photograph, but a recording of her voice tells of a harrowing experience of sexual terror in Iran’s prisons. An audio engineer who posted on this story considers it a fake. The story itself is fantastic, and is similar to the Taraneh Mousavi story in that it features Iranian émigrés in Europe getting access to the intimate details of the suffering of Iranian female prisoners in Iranian prisons. Habibinia claims that he was in communication with this woman for a month, during which he urged her to open up and tell the world about her sexual torment. It is entirely unclear why she would have contacted Habibinia and not a professional human rights organization to tell her story. This story, unlike the Taraneh Mousavi story, has a minor following, although it has found some popularity on websites catering to rape fantasists. (These sites contain shocking, upsetting, and offensive material.)
Along these lines, it is interesting that on his Persian and English blogs, Habibinia published only four articles dealing with Iraq and two of them deal with the use of Iraqi girls (more likely girls posing as Iraqi girls) as models in American rape videos. (This site contains shocking, upsetting, and offensive material.) The viewer of this page will note that he does not shrink from displaying these pictures on his blog, all the while tut-tutting about them.
A Final Comment
One more comment on the use of these sources by AI. It seems clear to me from Drewery Dyke’s questions in his December message to me as well as AI’s report saying that Cherik Online and Zeerzamin had merely taken up the story and brought it to the attention of the opposition’s leadership that AI had no idea of what the story’s actual sources are. In addition, the citing of the sources is entirely vague–no link to a specific issue, simply references to the blogs as a whole. And, finally, it seems abundantly clear that due diligence was not done in vetting the sources. No sensible person who reads them with any attention could find them credible. But without these sources, the story crumbles to the ground.

من آنجه شرط بلاغ است با تو می گویم
تو خواه از سخنم پند گیر و خواه ملال

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