Archive for the ‘Demonstration’ Category

Speech by Engineer Mir Hosein Mousavi on the Eve of the 22 Bahman Demonstrations

Wednesday, February 10th, 2010

According to Kalame, Engineer Mir Hosein Mousavi, the Prime Minister beloved of Imam Khomeini (May God be pleased with him!) continued his speech as follows:

We salute the dear students and the youth for the Ten Days of the Dawn [the days leading up to 22 Bahman]. These ten days are a commemoration of a great revolution. When we say ‘a great revolution,’ it is not in judgment of a group, either a broad one or a faction of our system. This revolution was an astonishing phenomenon of our era, which left a very profound effect throughout the world.

An extraordinarily important point is that the revolution itself was the result of twenty years of the nation’s toil, and it is not as if a small number of people in one year or in a small circle came on the scene and acted with courage and this revolution triumphed. This revolution was the result of countless efforts and vast experience. From the intellectual perspective, it was a matter of more than several decades. In the end, events in the country around the revolution’s victory occurred which hastened the revolution and broadened it and gave it breadth and we witnessed a vast revolution.

There were various reasons mentioned for the revolution’s victory in 1978—political, economic, and, above all, the brilliant leadership of His Holiness the Imam (May God be pleased with him!) who played a very fundamental role in this regard. But none of these reasons must allow us to neglect the roots. One must consider all factors together.

An analysis of the slogans which the people raised at the time the revolution triumphed and those which arose in its aftermath is important for us. “Independence, freedom, Islamic republic” is one of the key slogans of the time, one whose essence must be elucidated and the historical reasons which led the people to these slogans should be considered. But other slogans existed which have been overshadowed, and these slogans, too, complement the primary slogan.

Overshadowed Revolutionary Slogans

One of the slogans which were raised in the processions after the Islamic revolution’s victory in the period between 22 Bahman to about a year later, since there was one just about every few days, especially in the spring of 1979, was, “In the spring of freedom, we miss our martyrs.” No one taught the people this slogan, but they themselves felt that a number of people had stood up for freedom and fought, and since one of the primary goals of the Islamic revolution was the acquisition of freedom, they mourned their friends who did not see the “dawn of freedom” and did not experience its pleasure and vastness. Since in those days, the people would congratulate a family when it gave a martyr, I recall that they would put a flag on top of the houses of the families of martyrs. This began from the start of the revolution’s victory and continued until the Sacred Defense [the Iran-Iraq war]. But at the same time, this sorrow existed, that a number of their friends did not live to see those times.

What Were the Constitution’s Ratifiers Thinking?

If we examine this slogan and feel how far-reaching it is, both in drafting and interpreting the Constitution and interpreting the slogan “Independence, freedom, Islamic republic,” it could play an important role.

When we return to the Constitution, it is very important that we consider the atmosphere which led to its drafting. An examination of that atmosphere will lead us to ponder whether or not can we comprehend the inner connections of this Constitution’s articles if we do not have precise knowledge about this slogan’s meaning.

In any case, these antecedents have great importance. In particular, the slogans and the atmosphere of that time are very important. For just this reason, I must say that we are always faced with this problem, that when they distort the Koran due to the passage of time and the growing remoteness of its source and origins and out of various motivations, such as personal or party interests, it is natural that they also distort humanity’s national heritage. But in order to reach these sources, we must have a reconstruction of those conditions in hand, and yet must not forget to take a fresh and contemporary look in these interpretations.

The fact is, if one were to review the composition of the Assembly of Experts and its members’ speeches therein, there was a commotion, some of which, apparently, still exists, and it posed important principles which concerned the people’s fundamental rights, economic issues, etc. Very prolonged discussions were held over them, and not pointlessly. These discussions themselves, it seems to me, were the fruits of a broad and prolonged historical discussion among our people. It was not as if a limited few experts discussed and wrote this Constitution. These issues were under the influence of historical conditions, there were existing discourses in society and discussions among the parties and groups.

Such discussions were also current after the Constitutional Period. If you were to consider the economic principles, the people’s rights, and not snooping on private matters in the Constitution, they were in fact the result of a lifetime of bitter experiences under the former regime in which such deeds were done. Therefore, in order to have a proper understanding of the Constitution and the revolution, the conditions of those times must be completely understood.

They Distort the Revolution and the Constitution out of Enmity or Their Private Interests

This situation has come about because in the current circumstances and the special political atmosphere, so many groups and individuals, given their unhappiness with the revolution or the revolution’s problem with them, try to distort this matter and we see that the truths are not told, rather, a kind of doubt has arisen concerning the foundations of the Islamic revolution. But this is not the only problem which threatens the Islamic revolution’s true face; rather, in this matter there are those who came to control wealth, resources, and interests and present their own interpretation of the Constitution based on their own special interests.

For just this reason, we see that some principles become prominent and some have faded, while the Constitution is an integral whole and the voiding of part of it can result in other parts being voided and rendering them ineffectual and eliminate the human support for it.

There Is No Reason for Us to Neglect the Imlementation of Some Parts of the Constitution; One Must See Who Benefits from Closing Newspapers and Limiting the Media

For just this reason, in my opinion, it is very important that these issues be seen as a whole. One must see who benefits from closing newspapers and media outlets or annulling other articles of the Constitution which must be considered. When the Constitution returns to issues of ethnic groups, women, the people’s rights, I think that it has a moderating effect on difficulties which had arisen in the country resulting from the events of the Islamic revolution’s first decades, and for precisely this reason there is no cause for us to be content to overlook some of these articles.

I will cite an example in this regard. Of course, there are other discussions which must be raised, and it is appropriate to raise issues during these days which seem to be of little importance. One of the Islamic revolution’s first discussions was the establishment of a system of councils.

Everyone talked about it: councils must be used. This issue resulted in, I believe, seven articles concerning councils being written into the Constitution, but as far as these seven articles, about which there had been such extensive deliberations, aside from the deliberations of the Assembly of Experts I recall discussions in mosques, from the pulpits, in the universities, these seven articles have not yet been adequately used and their great potential, which could have solved many of the country’s difficulties and driven away the shadow of dictatorship, oppression, government by personal opinion and group interests, was squandered.

At the beginning of the revolution, there was a discussion about how our country, with its variety of ethnicities and cultures, could not succeed in the framework of a federal government, and decentralization was considered under the articles relating to councils, and indeed these councils possess such a potential.

Perhaps the time was not ripe to implement this owing to inexperience and war conditions and for other reasons. On three occasions, if my memory serves me correctly, during the revolution’s first decade, we raised issues about councils in the Majlis, but, unfortunately, their scope gradually narrowed and they ended up as these city and village councils, although even these councils are precious and, in my opinion, one of our good laws is precisely the law on councils. But why do we not devote ourselves to these articles? This is worth pondering. I believe that it must be pondered by all of us. I do not want to say that there was ill intention involved, but one of the common crises and issues which have arisen in the country is in a way the result of this idea, that many of these articles of the Constitution which have vast potential have been shunted aside.

What has happened in this country after the tenth presidential elections and has resulted in this vast movement and fresh ideas being born in it is important because from this perspective, perhaps it will help us to be able once more to rethink anew and bring something living from the Constitution, an interpretation which might be able to solve the country’s problems.

The Gap between Social Change and Governmental Change Is One of the Country’s Most Important Problems, a Problem Which Must Be Solved through Discussion and Argument and a Free Atmosphere and not with Guns and the Problems Which Have Arisen These Days in the Streets

Bear in mind that in any case, our society has undergone a momentous change and the international community and our environment, too, has changed, and it follows that, owing to the change in the international atmosphere, changes would arise in the country as well. The collapse of the Soviet Union must not be underestimated. Its impact on our country has been profound. Let us recall that events which arose to our north had an extraordinary effect inside our country and these effects were reflected in our country and its politics until the Easter Bloc collapsed.

These are the events which occurred outside our country. But this is not all. Economic and technological progress and the spread of the internet, and satellites, which in practice spread news between nations—in fact, all these factors compounded the issues which arose in out country due to the above-mentioned factors, transforming them into deep changes among the people.

One of the country’s most important difficulties is the gap which has appeared between these changes and the changes of government. In other words, the change in government has not kept up with the speed with which culture, economics, and society’s perspective has changed, in my opinion, and this is a vast problem. For just this reason, we sense a backwardness which will end in an extremely profound difficulty. The way to resolve the problems which have arisen in the streets is not to use artillery and rifles; rather, it is solvable through creating a free atmosphere, an atmosphere of dialogue, argument, and sense, through the Voice and Vision [the government-run media] and the rest of the Iranian media, for these issues are rooted in our Constitution and our faith.

In fact, the media must act like courts whose jury is the great Iranian nation. We trust in this nation and I believe that that the nation wants what is in its interests and that it will have its wits about it and show its superior sense in the field. It is precisely for this reason that the Islamic revolution arose and the Constitution, too, was written, so that the people could determine their own destiny. Let it happen in this time that discussion and dialogue among the people take a free form and the government submit to playing by these principles.

Moreover, let us turn our attention towards the international conditions, the astonishing changes in the spread of technology and utilize these connections and media to their utmost. But we see that we have had difficulties in this connection and it has resulted in their tolerating not even one or two debates and their sensing danger. They cut programs and otherwise went backwards. But if we take notice, we will see that not only would these two debates, but their increase could be of great importance.

Sometimes things go backwards. The discussion in the Majlis is now over how to intercept messages or control the news. This discussion is good in its place, but if the outlook is not reformed, it will not end in the reform of affairs.

Let Us Allow the People to Hear Everything and Choose the Best

That perspective will prove fateful and bring the country to peace which is based on our faith and allows the people to hear everything and choose the best. We are certain that the people will chose correctly.

Perhaps We Will Benefit Two Days from the Imam’s Words Taken out of Context, but…

There are other points which could help us see the Constitution more clearly. Unfortunately, words were taken out of context, words of the Imam (May God be pleased with him!) quoted on Voice and Vision and other places which were objected to by His Holiness the Imam’s dear grandson. But the fact is that if we are not able to have a living, vigorous atmosphere, full of spirit and light which existed at the beginning of the revolution and listen to interpretation of the Imam’s words, the result will be that we will present a dark and mangled image of the revolution today and this could result not only in the people becoming alienated from the revolution, but indeed from Islam itself, since our system is in the name of the faith and Islam and the most important concern for the Islamic Republic’s founders was that Islam not be damaged.

Of course, it is possible that we might get two day’s profit and proof from the words of the Imam (May God be pleased with him!) and use it against other groups, but when we look at this from our own interests and do not return to its source, it could result in the mouths of those who had been enemies of the revolution from the start and are still enemies with it being opened and all the revolution’s accomplishments being brought under question.

And this, while the Islamic Revolution is in fact the collective fruit of all these movements which sprung up since the Constitutional Revolution, like the Constitutional Revolution, the Oil Nationalization movement, 15 Khordad [the 1963 uprising against the Shah’s White Revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini], and other currents and experiences which the nation had. Moreover, these issues must be put in context. In addition, on the basis of such a record, one might look at the nation alongside the Islamic revolution. Otherwise, making religion or the sanctified into a tool places religion in question and this in itself is a great danger.

Out of Our Sensitivity, the People Even Take Advantage of the Slogan “Independence”

A subsequent question is, if we exam the slogan “Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic”, the subject is independence. The nation of Iran has constantly been in danger of foreign invasion since the war between Iran and Russia. Great parts of our country were even severed from it and this continued up until the time of the Shah, but in practice, all this amounts to our nation being sensitive about foreign interference and even being terrified of it, so that the roots of many of the discourses in our country concern the people’s feelings towards foreign influence, particularly that of the Russians and the British and later the Americans, etc. These issues exist in our country and for just this reason, the position of independence in the slogan “Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic” enjoys great importance.

A Great Force Has Entered the Field with the Slogan of Returning to the Revolution’s Values and Has Been Accused

Now these emotions of the people and this slogan itself have been abused. In other words, the force which has come into the field today and whose only point was that we return to the law and the Islamic Revolution’s principle values, one of which is independence, has had the accusatory question, do you have connections with foreigners or are you under their influence or not, leveled at it. I want to say that in order to be free of foreign domination, one must advance the country and must look at the world in a new way. Considering the changes which have arisen domestically and abroad, we must change ourselves while protecting values. Then we can have our true independence. When we use these slogans as a mere tool, the result is a series of contradictions which we now see. On the one hand, we [the Iranian government] send repeated letters advising various heads of state and invite them to Islam in the name of “international administration” and try to establish relations with them. On the other hand, in the real world, we cannot even have one close and sincere friend in the region or the world.

Suppose that America as a great power in the world wanted to implement a policy towards us. Although this country is a great power and has a vast military and intelligence force and huge propaganda and financial institutions, consider the American annual budget and compare it to ours. With this comparison, we will get an appreciation for that country’s economic bulk. Yet even that country does not consider itself without the need to attract Britain, France, Germany, China, or Russia to execute a policy towards our country. For example, regarding nuclear technology, do we actually have a few countries or nations allied with us which are effective in countering this movement against us?

Neither Adventurism or Offensiveness towards Others, nor Letters of “At Your Service”

When we write letters to them [the Iranian government], they tell us, “Come, insult these countries and confront them.” We say that the issue of the elections is a domestic dispute and has nothing to do with foreigners and our nation is absolutely not prepared to work under the influence of others’ interests, but we will never accept having an adventurist policy like yours, one day insulting, one day smiling, one day writing a letter saying, “At your service.”

The Green Movement Will not Fall into Adventurism or Extremism in Either Direction

The Green Movement came into being with the slogan that we want to have constructive cooperation with the world and will not neglect this issue and fall into adventurism and will not go to extremes in either direction. We follow a sensible policy in our connection with foreigners and the nation. We must operate on the basis of our long-range interests. If we return to the slogan of “Independence” in this sense, in no way will foreign interests play a decisive role in our movement, and we have and will continue to have a firm belief in this position.

The Green Movement of Iran Is Independent; An Important Quotation from Ayatollah Khorasani

The Green Movement of the Iranian nation is independent and will in no way permit foreign intervention into its affairs, but we will not be passive and do everything to fit into such a pattern that it will please one side and upset the other; this, too, we will not do. Our nation is following its long term goals and a nation must be sensitive in this connection. We learned from Akhund Khorasani [one of the three constitutionalist mojtaheds in Najaf] that when he raised the issue of Russia and Britain and in reply to a few who asked why some of the constitutionalists were taking refuge in the British consulate, which is itself a long story, he said that if it were established that we not do such-and-such since it is in Britain’s interests and that we not do something else because it is in Russia’s interests, we would not be able to get anything accomplished, since no matter what is done, some countries will benefit or will get rid of some difficulty through it, but the strategy of an independent system and an independent movement is based on the movement’s long-term interests and is not effected by foreigners.

Their Attacks against the Green Movement and the Greens’ Calm and Balance

The reason these issues are posed so sharply is to affect the Sources of Emulation and the clergy and the pious, but I clearly declare that the Green Movement will in no way be dependent on foreigners and is opposed to this issue, nor will it come under the influence of these issues, but will act based on the national interest. Our actions have no connection with foreigners. At the same time, this attack which has been launched against the Green Movement will not lead us to fall into raising immoderate slogans. Our advice to the government is that it pursue a moderate policy and find friends in the world and have allies and use the region’s potential and spread our country’s influence through friendship and make firm connections so that no harm befall our country. I give this advice to everyone. It springs from the heart of everyone in our nation and so it is with the Green Movement itself and so it will ever be.

Under the current circumstances, that which the youth will be able to accomplish is to use the vast potential of the changes in our country in the best manner under the principles for which we have given so many martyrs.

The Green Movement Was Peaceful and Must Firmly Continue This Policy

The Green Movement is a movement of the youth in which the youth have a very lofty share. But fortunately, the movement does not have an emotional aspect, but wisdom is very powerful in it.

We must maintain wisdom alongside the enthusiasm of the youth, both of men and women, since it is a great treasure for our country, the Islamic revolution, and the Islamic Republic, Understand that the changes and developments, despite their bitterness and difficulties, should be considered a treasure for the country’s future to enter into a new atmosphere appropriate for the international changes. We should tolerate our problems with these difficulties and advance matters through wisdom.

The Interests of a Number Lies in Polarizing Society to Better Repress the People

We must not lose our position of giving counsel, compassion, and concern for the system. From its first stirring, the Green Movement was peaceful and it must firmly continue this policy. Unfortunately, the interests of a few lie in polarizing society in order to suppress the people better and so achieve their goals better.

The Green Movement Is Friends with All, Even Those Who Do not Share Our Ideas

The Green Movement is friends with all. It is friends with the workers, the teachers, and the women’s movement. It is even friends with those who do not share our ideas, since they are part of our nation and are brothers, family, to us. They are part of our nation and we are friends with all of them.

The Country’s Institutions Are Worthy of Respect, but…

There are institutions in our country which are worthy of respect, but we are opposed to violence, beating, repression, and killing. We are not opposed to the Basij, the Revolutionary Guards, or the security forces. They are institutions which a system will naturally have and we have brothers there who are part of the nation and for whom we are concerned, and so we must enter the field in that spirit. Fanaticism and bitterness must not get the better of us. 22 Bahman is ahead.

22 Bahman Is a Day of God; Participate Alongside All the People but Maintain Your Identity

Indeed, it is one of the days which must be called a day of unity and a day of the Uniter. It is one of the days of God. One could gather various special qualities about it. They all relate to this issue. I feel that we must be present in this movement in a spirit of unity while maintaining our character and try to leave an impact through our behavior so that it would leave a good effect on the national level.

An Insult to the People Is an Insult to Freedom and Has Nothing to Do with Islam

The final note is that a confrontation with the people’s peaceful movements in the name of Islam will have the effect of driving people away from Islam. Those who believe in the faith, especially the clergy, must realize that the damage done by imprisoning, beating, and seizing and arresting, since they are occurring in the name of Islam and the Islamic government, will fall back on Islam and we must all strive to not let this happen.

If we want to preserve Islam as a treasure for our country, we must not allow the interests of Islam to be effected by our interests.

What do beating and arresting have to do with Islam? What do stopping arguments and discussions have to do with Islam? What does snooping on the people’s personal affairs have to do with Islam? What does examining the people’s email have to do with Islam? These matters negate religious beliefs and the Constitution’s articles.

An insult to the people is an insult to freedom of thought and has nothing to do with Islam. God willing, they will all notice that they should not do anything in which we will witness a falling away from Islam.

Let Us not Fear Different Ethnicities and Languages

No country has progressed except by passing through periods in which these problems have arisen. I am very optimistic that God will allow the results of these efforts to bear fruit and we will have a better situation for the nation not to fear different ideas, ethnic groups, or languages.

India, with hundreds of languages and religions and a variety of ethnicities is the biggest democracy and has undergone such experiences. Will language be such a problem for this country as we have made it out to be? Wherever I went during the elections, they said, “They have confronted the language issue in this manner.”

We See No Harm in Freedom, Relying on the Nation, and the Free Circulation of Information

We see no harm in freedom, relying on the nation, and the free circulation of information. Perhaps some kind of pressure has been brought to bear against me, but in practice, it is good for society and in the interests of Islam and the country’s future.

Peace be upon you and God’s mercy and blessings.

Source:
http://www.kaleme.org/1388/11/19/klm-11036

Statement by Mehdi Karroubi on the threshold of 22 Bahman

Sunday, February 7th, 2010

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate

Great and proud nation of Iran:

Now that we are on the threshold of 22 Bahman and the anniversary of the victory of the glorious Islamic Revolution led by the Imam, I consider it necessary, while commemorating this day and paying my respects to the martyrs who sought independence and freedom mingled with the Islamic Republic, to raise a few points with you, the rightful possessors of this revolution, system, and country, as a minor servant who had an active presence throughout the ups and downs of this past half century, in the hope that the esteemed officials, especially those who are concerned about the system, would sensibly, justly, fairly, and refraining from the political favor or malice of currents or factions take note. In particular, Mehdi Karroubi, due to his age, is no longer in any condition to alter his behavior for political reasons and to reach worldly post or rank or office. If I were after such a thing, I would have made reclusion my guide and abandoned the wild steed of Iranian politics and spoken no more of the people’s rights and what the realm and the people have suffered and passed my time pleased with the treasury of my memories, at ease and without fanfare and put up for sale my Islamic, revolutionary, and popular accumulation of fifty years, providing myself with an easy life thereby and be respected by the lords of power. But such behavior is far from gallantry and unfit for a Muslim and I consider my life and death to be bound up with Islam, Iran, and the people. I know Iran and the people. My greatest pride is that I have been and will remain a servant of God, a son of Iran, and a soldier of the people. Therefore, I not only consider silence and separation from the people and ignoring the national interest to be unjust, but, based on religious values and the lofty aspirations of the people and the Imam as manifested in the Constitution, I have and will continue to devoted myself to the defense of the people’s rights under the sharia and the law and their legitimate freedoms. This is Mehdi Karroubi’s unshakable pledge to the great people of Iran. I now draw the attention of my dear brothers and sisters to a few important points.

1)      We will all participate together, with strength and calm, in the procession for the anniversary of 22 Bahman, which is the commemoration of the manifestation of the noble people of Iran’s religious belief and national determination and a turning point in our country’s proud history. On this day, we will strive to demand the hope-inspiring achievements and aspirations, some of which have either been forgotten or perverted, with patience and firmness, refraining from violence in word or deed. These legal demands are the people’s right, the promise made by the Islamic Republic in the revolution of 1978 and which today the people in power have concealed in the storage house of power. 22 Bahman, in a word, is the day of the people. The martyr Ayatollah Modarres had these eloquent words to say about the oath between people and government which arose after the declaration of the next in line to the stewardship of the Prophet and the Immaculate Ones [here, the Shiite Imams] who had a direct charge from God: “There is one case such as our times, when that ruler is from the people. In this case, his duty is to execute the instructions which the people give him, and any instruction, from improving the land to safeguarding the people of this nation … The constitution is an instruction which the nation gives to that individual, and if that ruler does not act in accordance with it, he is an oppressor and a transgressor and must be deposed.”

2)      We are going to greet this year’s anniversary of 22 Bahman under circumstances in which the twin pillars of the republican and Islamic character of the system have come under severe question. The tenth presidential elections were accompanied by an engineering of the people’s votes. The answer to the people’s simple question in the great silent march of 25 Khordad, as well as those to come, “Where is my vote?” was met with violent repression, causing the walls of trust between the people and the government to collapse. This created the context in which Imam Khomeini’s inheritance and that which has been bought at the cost of the martyrs’ blood to be faced with its greatest difficulty of the last three decades. The people knew well and the officials themselves have known that the solution to these difficulties was neither in covering the problem up, nor in torturing with brand and awl. The people should be taken seriously in issues facing the country and demanding their rights, and they should cooperate with the people for the sake of their demands and interests and well-being. Repressing, arresting, and the mass imprisonment of political activists, journalists and students and show trials, executions and harsh punishments and creating a police atmosphere is not an appropriate policy to deal with what has happened and is happening. Giving in to the nation’s demands and recognizing their rights is the way out of the current crisis. I appeal to the great Sources of Emulation and the distinguished clergy and the centers or religious scholarship and all the credible figures and personalities, social, political, and cultural, as well as the great minds of the people out of concern, to come to the aid of Islam and the people by preparing realistic plans which shun pointless verbal sparring before it is too late. The splendid Sources of Emulation know that what is happening to this country, to this people today, whether we like it or not, is in the name of Islam and Shiism and the clergy. Therefore, everyone must defend Islam’s honor and the people’s rights to the extent of their abilities. Let those in charge, for their part, change their policies and know that neither our silence and retreat nor their threats and intimidation and violence will not solve the problem.

3)      These days, the people, these rightful possessors of the revolution, are living in difficult circumstances for numerous reasons, including economic, political, security, and, above all, a lack of concern for their civil rights. Denying these conditions does not change the truth or reality, even though some call it a fitna and others call it a crisis or attach other words to it. One of the country’s biggest difficulties today is precisely the denial of difficulties or being satisfied with attaching different names to them. Their Excellencies not only try to ignore the problem and not accept it, but try to turn the bitter existing realities upside down through unworthy and childish analogies. Therefore, not a step is taken to deal with them. While they are perplexed as to how to administer the country’s simple affairs, they claim to administer the word’s affairs. The rising economic, cultural, political, and moral troubles have caused their allies and those with whom they are in agreement in the Majis to raise their voices and, despite the slogan, “Justice and kindness and service to God’s creatures,” there is galloping inequality and discrimination in society. Discrimination and government corruption have reached the point that, according to the latest international figures, our country has taken the significant fall to the rank of the 168th country in the world in this regard.

4)      Regrettably, despite the teachings of Islam, society’s atmosphere is filled with pretention, sycophancy, lying, and widespread flattery. On the one hand there are the vile sycophants and on the other hand worthless extremists throw themselves in to field and restrict it for scholars and the learned and the sensible. The market for insult and slander and abuse has become so hot that the pillars of the system, the revolution and the Imam’s loyal friends, are not safe from it. Fools, with eyes closed and mouths open, in complete security, recklessly sell themselves as eulogists and, by spreading insults and slander, have made things difficult for the pure and the good, who have to take refuge in God because the marketplace is in such an uproar. I recall that the Imam of the ommat, in order to protect the honor and station of everyone, was so careful with all his being that he not even tolerate well-known figures and the high-ranking being praised and would scream that the soul of man is prideful and rebellious, do not praise me lest I be tempted and believe it.

If we want a principled solution,

  • We must pour dust into the mouths of the sycophantic praise singers and the hand and tongue and pen of the worthless violent people must be reformed and controlled and the marketplace of religion-selling and monopolism must be rejected.
  • All the articles of the Constitution must be executed fully and the right of the electors and the elected must be taken from the Assembly of Experts of the Leadership so that the Islamic Consultative Assembly and the President obey them. The appalling innovation of the Guardian Council, which puts all Iranians, including prominent and well-known figures, to the blade of ratification must be abolished. The criterion must be nothing other than the nation’s vote and not cherry-picking or engineering the people’s votes on the basis of the tastes of a few elite. I am certain that the noble people of Iran, thanks to the religious atmosphere, will surely set upright, sound, committed, and expert people at the head of affairs.
  • The unconditional release of political prisoners.
  • An open environment for the press and the recognition of criticism and critics and the restoration of tranquility to the universities.
  • The police atmosphere and the environment of terror and fear should be eliminated. This is not an atmosphere conducive to unity and cooperation.

It is a hundred times certain that in this case, there are many demands which the protest current will raise which it is keeping silent over out of its extreme sense of longsuffering. Beware lest those who want to all drag you into destroying the structure, this being what our opponents and the enemies of your peaceful movement want. Going in a violent atmosphere or being seized by an atmosphere which might be blamed on you and being an accomplice to behavior which is against your interests and agreements is what the illogical repressors want. Beware lest the agents of influence or foreigners infiltrate your ranks and damage your religious and moral and national values. I officially declare that our friends and allies are asking about the measures and the results of the tenth presidential elections and the whereabouts of their votes. They are demanding their rights according to the sharia and the law with an emphasis on Islam and the system and the national interest, and this in silence and calm so that it could be reasonably asked of the agents of the execute, security, the police, and the media, “What have you done so that all this has happened and things have come to such a pass?”

To conclude, it is necessary that the dear people, and particularly the educated classes and the youth, note that what is unfolding in society today called a protest movement is not an all-encompassing ideology which has hard and fast boundaries and on which basis it selects people and takes responsibility for the behavior of all those present in it. This movement is not for the defense of a belief or a particular political or religious aim. Naturally, there are people in it who have various views and beliefs, each of which any one of us might agree or disagree with. The common face of this movement is holding to the right to vote, free elections, a free press, the unconditional freedom of political prisoners, the reform of the work of governing and legislating and respect for the people’s civil rights. Indubitably, the raising of demands and deviation from the aforementioned goals will provide an excuse for the movement’s violent repression. Therefore I as an aging father submit to the dear youth and as a brother who has seen the world’s ups and downs and whose course is run submit to the old and middle-aged that raising any issues besides the just and legal ones is a deviation from the course and this is what the opponents of this movement and, in some cases, fits into their work with agents of influence.

In the hope of the day that the people of the government and power will bring sense and justice to bear and will prepare what the happiness of the leaders of Islam and the people of Iran require in the light of recognizing the people’s rights.

In concluding our appeal, praise be to God, Lord of the worlds.

Mehdi Karroubi

17 Bahman

The Stolen Coffin by Ahmad Shirzad

Thursday, January 14th, 2010

Today, Massoud’s body was buried, but left a battlefield behind. The Hezbollahi brothers had mobilized from that morning and did not stop surrounding the body for an instant.

Professor Massoud Ali-Mohammadi

Loudspeakers and electric generators and eulogizers and very high-power stereo systems and organized pickup trucks were all at their disposal. The family and its circle had practically no control and gave up on the program. From the day that Dr. Ali-Mohammadi was assassinated, the officers came and went and insisted that his body be buried during the Tehran Friday prayers. The only point that the family could get its way on was its insistance that the burial ceremonies be held on Thursday.

Massoud’s home was surrounded by a crowd from the early morning. The police had closed all the points of entry. The area was packed with anti-riot forces in uniform and a crowd of plainclothesmen who had not so much as heard Ali-Mohammadi’s name until that day. His family wished to keep the burial services non-political and as dignified as possible. Friends and acquaintances gradually assembled. The home had no space for them. They all stood in the streets outside. A large crowd of people carrying cameras were milling around looking for a vantage point to film the scene. Most of them were from our own official media. Apparently, the foreign media which had representatives in Tehran was being cautious, fearing a repeat of past experiences. Of course, foreign media or its representatives could be seen here and there, but not many.

The brothers from the government who held a constant presence in Massoud’s house during this past day or two had prepared a martial music band, a bus to transport the burial squad, a eulogizer, a grave-digger, an ambulance, and, in short, whatever they thought they needed. Little Massoud was so dear to these gentlemen! He thought of every kind of death except this one. How could anyone imagine that a military officer, a minister, the president of a university, and dozens of other petty and major officials, from the moment he was assassinated, would line up at their home so that the programs for the martyr would be done all properly and nothing deviate from the plan!

It was about eight or nine in the morning when a middle-aged gentleman stood atop the minivan and took the microphone. At first, he spoke calmly and did not chant slogans. Apparently they had promised Massoud’s family not to take partisan political advantage of the services. But “razor and beard” and all the other resources one could imagine were in their hands from the very start. They did as they pleased. The first thing Mr. Microphone did was to extol the martyrs given by the university. He spoke of Martyr [Ayatollah Morteza] Motahhari and Martyr [Kamran] Nejatollahi [doc] (a militant professor who was martyred in the course of the protests and occupation by the university students in 1979 in the Ministry of Education’s office), placing Massoud Ali-Mohammadi alongside them. Next, he took a few minutes to announce from the microphone that the brothers who were ready for the funeral ceremonies to raise their hands. About 150 to 200 scattered among the crowd raised their hands to show

Massoud Ali-Mohammadi's funeral procession

they were ready and the guy on the minivan apparently reached the conclusion that everyting was in order and that enough people were ready to start the show. The coffin was removed from the ambulance and carried into the house and they started chanting special slogans. They tightly controlled the area around the coffin and permitted no family or acquaintances to get under it.

In burying the body, one usually chants ordinary religious slogans like “There is no deity but God and Mohammad is His messenger.” But the chief slogans in this show were of the sort, “Death to Israel,” “Death to the Hypocrites”, “This trampled flower is a gift to the Leader,” and so on. At best I could say that during the entire several hours of this show in which the loudspeaker issued slogans, the ordinary slogan of “There is no deity but God and Mohammad is His messenger” was not used more than a minute or two. And even on the one or two occasions when the “There is no deity but God” was said, when those present were ready to say the second half, “America is God’s enemy” was added and they continued on in their line.

It is a tradition in most burial ceremonies that when the deceased is brought to his home and before he is buried, a few minutes of silence be observed for the household in general and the ladies in particular to bid farewell to their loved one and express what is in their hearts to their God in the language of weeping and mourning and ease their heartbreak over the body of their dearly departed. But in this show, the brothers were apparently so nervous about the details that they did let not the loudspeakers go silent for even a second and the eulogizers and the professional sloganeers played their role in this show so well with the help of their powerful stereos that no one could even hear the weeping of Massoud’s relatives. It was heard that once, one of the gentlemen even snapped at the widow! Apparently, Massoud’s friends and family had no choice but to give in. His family was anxious lest the services collapse and obstacles be created to holding the remaining programs, such as the memorial service [held after three days] and the unveiling of the tomb [held after a week] and so on. Those who loved Massoud had no choice but to offer tears and seek his elevation and forgiveness for his pure soul. They had no choice but to stand aside and surrender Massoud’s body to strangers to do the best they could. People took Massoud’s coffin whose sole acquaintance with him began when he was a blood-drenched corpse.

A bit further on, forty or fifty of the country’s physics professors and researchers looked on teary-eyed and followed the crowd, along with many ordinary people from Massoud’s neighborhood or family or circle, estimated at over one or two thousand. The people who would bury him were at a crossroad. On the one hand, they all wanted to respect Ali-Mohammadi’s soul and to bury his body in accordance with the common tradition. On the other hand, there was the show underway ahead of them, all partisan slogans and partisan participants, and few there were who wanted to appear in a picture with that mob. The photographers of the official media all surrounded the minivan leading this group in motion and steadily followed the figures who were guiding the special atmosphere which prevailed among them.

A few minutes later, something interesting happened. A crowd of a few hundred students from Tehran University, especially kids from the physics faculty, were assembled behind a picture of Dr. Ali-Mohamnmadi and were following it in silence, except when they would now and then offer a salavat. They gradually opened up a gap between themselves and the government burial squad and parted from the show which had been prepared in advance. The burial squad gradually noticed this crowd and mixed in with them and separated from the ranks of the brothers’ official show. It was an interesting scene. The gentlemen in front suddenly saw that they had been abandoned. There they were, all alone. One or two of them angrily came to snatch from the students’ hands the poster behind which they had assembled, but the crowd resisted.

Gradually, the slogan “There is no deity but God and Mohammad is His messenger” arose from the crowd and filled the street. It was so loud that the brothers’ very powerful loudspeakers could no longer be heard. As the painters say, an interesting contrast was created. On this side, there were tears and “There is no deity but God.” On the other, the exasperating blare of the loudspeakers and “Death to the Hypocrites” and “Death to the opponents of the velayat-e faqih.” On the one hand there were sighs of grief over the loss of a beloved professor whom the students adored like his children and who were now being deprived of even bidding good-bye to his lifeless corpse. On the one hand, there was there was the rage and confusion of those who were anxious about Massoud’s body falling into others’ hands and were protecting it as if it were war booty. On the one hand, there was pure love and a sincere funeral held by those who saw that they had lost Massoud. On the other hand, there were cameras and the violent domination of those who felt that they had seized Massoud. On the one hand, there was the silence of the long-suffering which was the only refuge of the eternal slogan, “There is no deity but God.” On the other hand, there were five or ten people chanting slogans of “Death” and “Infidel” which were, in practice, used to eliminate the other. As soon as the brothers saw that the situation was getting out of hand, they retreated to close the gap between themselves and the green crowd and once more take control. To do this, they even drove the minivan they had been donated in reverse, when one of the ladies shouted, “If you run someone over, don’t say that the minivan was stolen!”

Around this contrasting tableau, there was a black circle of black-clad riot officers with various equipment which had surrounded the crowd, and motorcyclists who were going to and fro. Fear and anxiety filled the air and no one knew if the services would come peacefully to an end. Our friends counted over a thousand anti-riot police. Along the way, a great mass of several hundred of them were being held at the ready in a sports arena.

After an hour of this dual burial ceremony, we learned that the gentlemen had removed the body from the ambulance to the burial site, i.e., the Ali Akbar Chizar Shrine. The participants gradually dispersed and they each tried to reach it however they could.

Around eleven in the morning, the streets around the shrine were filled with the crowd and anti-riot forces. Massoud’s corpse was like war booty in the gentlemen’s hands. There were not even any means to easily approach their crowd. At the same time, people were concerned about the likelihood of a violent confrontation with the gentlemen and did not want to mingle with them.

Massoud’s friends and students were in practice deprived of reading prayers over his body or participating in the burial service. The gentlemen performed these services as they wished. While conducting the burial, the shrine’s gates were locked and we saw bits of

Another scene from Massoud Ali-Mohammadi's funeral

the services from behind the far side of the walls surrounding it. Amir would say that this scene reminded me of the Baqi` Gravesite, which can only be peered into from behind lattice walls.

Even during the burial, the loudspeakers uninterruptedly issued slogans. No one could even hear the sound of the funeral of those few bereaved among Massoud’s relatives who had been able to approach the burial site. It was as if the gentlemen were nervous lest the previous scenario  at the burial would be repeated and the mourners would say things which were not to their liking in the course of their weeping.

It was not yet noon when Massoud was buried and it all came to an end. The grieving students returned to their residences and the members of the burial squad each went his own way. By the time the call went up for the noon prayer, there was no sign of the zealots who were worried lest Massoud’s body wind up into others’ hands. Their anxieties were at an end and they could now breath a sigh of relief and leave. If only we could have seen how many of those who had clung so tightly to Massoud’s body showed up to the graveside to recite the Fatiha. Massoud was only away from us these two days after the moment of his martyrdom. From now on, the spiritual effect which remains of him will not belong to some of those who were only present next to his corpse. Massoud was ours for fifty years, and he is still ours. It was only for one day that his coffin was stolen from us, and that’s over.

The Tehran University physics faculty will witness Massoud’s absence tomorrow and the students, despite their tears and sorrows, will earnestly strive to keep the torch of learning blazing in the land of Iran. His family, too, must get used to living without him. What a hard task! Is it possible to forget someone whose presence was felt the whole time he was here and around whom the atmosphere was filled with his energy? But there is nothing for it. One must live. God be their succour.

http://shirzad.ir/2010/01/post_165.html

Town Hall Meeting on Human Rights in Iran Saturday All Day

Friday, September 25th, 2009

The Campaign against Crimes Against Humanity in Iran

presents

A Town Hall Meeting on Human Rights

Time: Saturday, September 26th 2009 , 9:00 am – 4 pm.

Place: South Hall Riverside Church (490 Riverside Drive, New York, 1, 9 line 116 Street)

Program

Theoretical Reflections: 1. Abdolali Campain poster-1Bazargan, The Basis of Governmental Legitimacy; 2. Shahrnoush Parsipour, A Critique of the Dual Structure of Iranian Thought; 3. Farzin Vahdat, The Social Structure of Iran and Democratic Demands; 4. Mohammad Reza Nikfar, The Importance of Legal Representations Against Injustice

Political Development: 1. Reza Baraheni, How Can We Build Democracy?; 2. Ahmad Sadri, Reflections on the Justification of Violence; 3. Ebrahim Soltani, A Wise Transition to Democracy; 4. Arash Naraghi, Characteristics of Outlawed States in the International Community

The Dangers that Lie Ahead: 1. Hamid Dabashi, Conflict and Interaction between the Movement for Civil Rights in Iran and Regional Politics; 2. Majid Mohammadi, Forthcoming Challenges for the Green Movement; 3. Mansour Farhang, The Iranian, American and Israeli Triangle; 4. Hossein Kamali, Looking to the East and Winking at the West.

Likely Scenarios: 1. Abdolali Rezaei, The Complexity of the Current Situation; 2. Reza Fani-Yazdi, Who is Hegemonic? 3. Ali Mirsepassi, What Are the Iranian People Aspiring Toward? 4. Ata Hoodshtian,The Question of the Movement’s Leadership.

Akbar Ganji: Prospects for the Future

Musical Performance by Faramarz Aslani, Arash Shojaei, Sahar Dehghan, Rana Farhan Group