Archive for the ‘Nuclear’ Category

Declaration of 175 Activists to Oppose War by Suspending Uranium Enrichment and Shutting Down the Military Nuclear Program

Wednesday, November 16th, 2011

I strongly disagree with the thrust of the following declaration, but believe that it is important because it reflects the feelings of many Iranian opponents of the current Iranian government. I will post my thoughts on the matter on a separate page.

I’d like to thank Setareh Sabety and Mina Siegel for reviewing the translation and making valuable changes in it.

http://www.daneshjoonews.com/news/politics/9937-1390-08-22-13-45-20.html

Declaration of over 175 Political, Civil, Student, University, and Journalist Activists for Actively Opposing War by Temporarily and Conditionally Suspending of  Uranium Enrichment and a Complete Shut-down of the Military Aspects of the Nuclear Program

Dear compatriots and free Iranians:

The body of our dear homeland, exhausted from incessant blows by the tyrannical and oppressive Guardianship and the government which is void of legitimacy is now passing through difficult days. The government’s stubborn insistence on continuing its policies of hostility and ruining the interests of nation and homeland which has set before the people and the homeland a dark future of the iron fist, terrorization, and imposing a police atmosphere.

One of the government’s  ruinous strategies during the past decade has been to fan the flames of crisis mongering in the international arena. It has placed the pursuit of the nuclear adventure at the center of these tension causing ا measures which, ignoring international laws and agreements, is pursuing a quixotic leveling policy on the world stage that can cover up its domestic difficulties.

By perpetuating the foreign crisis and hostage taking through strengthening centers which generate instability on the regional and world level, the government, transferring the danger to within the borders, is trying to prepare the means necessary to maintain its police state and keep the country in a state of anxiety.

The new publication of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) presents evidence that the government’s intention of diverting its nuclear program into a military course has entered into a decisive phase. The current rulers, with their hostile discourse and lack of cooperation with the IAEA, are increasing the danger of a military confrontation with Iran every day. While Iran’s neighbors are taking great strides towards economic development and increasing their people’s public welfare by strengthening economic relations with the furthest reaches of the world and attracting capital and state-of-the-art technology, it is putting Iran in an isolation which deepens by the day. The results of this isolation is visible and palpable in the daily lives of all the people of Iran and, should sanctions on the Central Bank go into effect, may raise them to an unbearable level.

The rulers who trampled on the people’s legitimate rights during the elections of 2009 and crushed their peaceful protests in blood consider the threats on the international level as a means to recover their domestic legitimacy and use the danger of a foreign attack to club the Iranian liberal activists more and more.

The totalitarian regime has disturbed the peace on the international level by providing misleading information, stalling, not providing full cooperation with the IAEA, deviating from the NPT accord, and avoiding the implementation of the UN’s declarations paralleling its domestic behavior.

Tolerance towards the world and revival of the rights of the Iranian citizen are intertwined. While demanding their fundamental rights, Iranian citizens must question their ruler’s lack of comprehension, preparedness, and willingness to resolve international disputes of this sort.

We hold that the government’s continuation of the current impasse, the nuclear ambitions, and empty saber-rattling is preparing the grounds for an increase of the likelihood of a military conflict in the future whose primary victims will definitely be the people of Iran in general and the children and the toiling social layers in particular. Of course, we must keep in mind that exaggerating the danger of war and fear-mongering, too, has negative consequences for Iranian social interests.

The destructive consequences of war and occupation require no explanation. But in our opinion, mere verbal and written condemnation of war and throwing the leaders of world militarism and those who fan the flames domestically cannot prevent military aggression. The international community’s anxieties have a different course from the division between nation and government in today’s Iran. The Islamic Republic does not only disturb the human rights and dignity of Iranian citizens, but is considered a threat against world peace and stability as well. This separation does not necessarily mean that one may not find common ground between domestic demands and legitimate international demands.

In our opinion, the duty of forces which believe in democracy and Iran’s national and territorial interests is to align foreign and domestic pressure. In the meantime, the search for moral purity and an ideological and passive approach is inappropriate. Indeed, one must, by preparing the way for a solution, show the world that the Iranian people’s democratic movement has the capacity not to allow the government’s incitement of tension to pass through the tolerance of international institutions. Along these lines, refraining from seeing international relations in black and white and basing oneself on the binaries of permanent friend and foe or devil and angel and axioms related to the age of the Cold War. A realistic view of the current condition of the country and the world serves as a warning about what happens when a widespread social movement which takes into account the world’s legitimate concerns does not exist inside the country,  then the political forces of the opposition will not have any weight in the international decision-making arena.

Neglecting this matter and being captive of cliché understandings and classical anti-imperialist perspectives without taking the initiative in escaping from the crisis ultimately results in a complete parting of ways of international society and the Iranian people’s struggle for freedom. This division, considering the irreparable breech between nation and government in Iran and the passivity in the realm of action, will encourage the world powers to choose the military option with the aim of eliminating nuclear and military institutions. This is something which in its containable form  the government’s extremist wing will welcome in order to both to strengthen its control over the veins of the economy and the sources of power and to legitimize itself by taking its place in the front ranks of the struggle of Islamic fundamentalism against the West.

An effective and responsible way to prevent war requires the organization of a powerful social movement which includes various tendencies and factions for the Iranian social mosaic which wants independence, pride, democracy, the observance of human rights, a lasting and humane peace, interaction and friendship with the world and has nothing to do with the peace of the grave, injustice, absolutism, and absolutist peace.

In the meantime, the existence of problems in the world system and some double standards, such as a lack of international  objection to the military nuclear programs of Israel, India, and Pakistan should not result in ignoring the wrongs of the crisis-brewing government and, by seizing on the poisonous quality of foreign pressure, allow the government to have a free hand to take advantage of nationalist sentiment and the existence of the objectionable in the international sphere and the  sacrificing of human relations at the feet of the interests of the world’s powerful countries in certain quarters, allow it to continue on its perilous way. One can also demand the elimination of nuclear weapons prioritizing the elimination of nuclear weapons from among the countries of the Middle East and totalitarian countries like North Korea as a step towards international nuclear weapon’s disarmament while opposing the destructive nuclear program of the current Iranian government.

Along these lines, one can, while defending the country’s independence, utilize the legitimate resources of the international community to promote democracy, human rights, and national government in Iran. Instead of issuing general and conclusive decisions in praise or denunciation of foreign support, it would be appropriate to hold a national conversation to specify the preconditions, limitations, criteria, and oversight apparatus to prevent individuals or groups from taking advantage in regard to the support of the international community and drive opportunists from the field and prevent dubious currents from making an alternative of themselves. The path to democracy in Iran passes through reliance on the nation’s inexhaustible strength and an effective and organized leadership.

The primary problem is to concentrate efforts on how to activate the democratic movement’s dormant forces. Foreign support presents a variety of difficulties. We defend the political support of the world community of the democratic demands of Iranians.

The international community, for its part, should be aware that any measures which result in a violation of Iran’s territorial integrity or national interests will increase the legitimacy of the repression of the freedom-loving forces in Iran and weaken the discourse of peace.

Any way we look at it the cause of the current international crisis, in the final analysis, it is the Islamic Republic’s system in general and its extremist wing which, through its miscalculations, will fan the flames of a probable war. To oppose war, one must make those in the government who create crises the primary target. Now that the consequences of the international economic recession have caught up with the Iranian economy as well and have exacerbated the economic difficulties resulting from the government’s mismanagement, no logical or human criterion can excuse the fact that the people of Iran, and particularly those who live below the poverty line, where never consulted over  the nature and method of the nuclear program was implemented and who were so disrespectfully treated to pay the price for the saber-rattling of their prosperous and comfortable rulers!

And so full and transparent cooperation with the IAEA and a temporary and conditional cessation of uranium enrichment as a confidence-building measure within the framework of the convention against the proliferation of nuclear weapons [NPT?] and an immediate cessation of all military aspects of the nuclear program can be considered as one of the central demands of the Iranian people’s democratic movement in the realm of the search for peace. Including this demand alongside demands for observing human rights, fundamental freedoms, and democracy would mean a manifold increase in the potential for weakening the twins of absolutism and aggression and thus prevent war.

 

The Stolen Coffin by Ahmad Shirzad

Thursday, January 14th, 2010

Today, Massoud’s body was buried, but left a battlefield behind. The Hezbollahi brothers had mobilized from that morning and did not stop surrounding the body for an instant.

Professor Massoud Ali-Mohammadi

Loudspeakers and electric generators and eulogizers and very high-power stereo systems and organized pickup trucks were all at their disposal. The family and its circle had practically no control and gave up on the program. From the day that Dr. Ali-Mohammadi was assassinated, the officers came and went and insisted that his body be buried during the Tehran Friday prayers. The only point that the family could get its way on was its insistance that the burial ceremonies be held on Thursday.

Massoud’s home was surrounded by a crowd from the early morning. The police had closed all the points of entry. The area was packed with anti-riot forces in uniform and a crowd of plainclothesmen who had not so much as heard Ali-Mohammadi’s name until that day. His family wished to keep the burial services non-political and as dignified as possible. Friends and acquaintances gradually assembled. The home had no space for them. They all stood in the streets outside. A large crowd of people carrying cameras were milling around looking for a vantage point to film the scene. Most of them were from our own official media. Apparently, the foreign media which had representatives in Tehran was being cautious, fearing a repeat of past experiences. Of course, foreign media or its representatives could be seen here and there, but not many.

The brothers from the government who held a constant presence in Massoud’s house during this past day or two had prepared a martial music band, a bus to transport the burial squad, a eulogizer, a grave-digger, an ambulance, and, in short, whatever they thought they needed. Little Massoud was so dear to these gentlemen! He thought of every kind of death except this one. How could anyone imagine that a military officer, a minister, the president of a university, and dozens of other petty and major officials, from the moment he was assassinated, would line up at their home so that the programs for the martyr would be done all properly and nothing deviate from the plan!

It was about eight or nine in the morning when a middle-aged gentleman stood atop the minivan and took the microphone. At first, he spoke calmly and did not chant slogans. Apparently they had promised Massoud’s family not to take partisan political advantage of the services. But “razor and beard” and all the other resources one could imagine were in their hands from the very start. They did as they pleased. The first thing Mr. Microphone did was to extol the martyrs given by the university. He spoke of Martyr [Ayatollah Morteza] Motahhari and Martyr [Kamran] Nejatollahi [doc] (a militant professor who was martyred in the course of the protests and occupation by the university students in 1979 in the Ministry of Education’s office), placing Massoud Ali-Mohammadi alongside them. Next, he took a few minutes to announce from the microphone that the brothers who were ready for the funeral ceremonies to raise their hands. About 150 to 200 scattered among the crowd raised their hands to show

Massoud Ali-Mohammadi's funeral procession

they were ready and the guy on the minivan apparently reached the conclusion that everyting was in order and that enough people were ready to start the show. The coffin was removed from the ambulance and carried into the house and they started chanting special slogans. They tightly controlled the area around the coffin and permitted no family or acquaintances to get under it.

In burying the body, one usually chants ordinary religious slogans like “There is no deity but God and Mohammad is His messenger.” But the chief slogans in this show were of the sort, “Death to Israel,” “Death to the Hypocrites”, “This trampled flower is a gift to the Leader,” and so on. At best I could say that during the entire several hours of this show in which the loudspeaker issued slogans, the ordinary slogan of “There is no deity but God and Mohammad is His messenger” was not used more than a minute or two. And even on the one or two occasions when the “There is no deity but God” was said, when those present were ready to say the second half, “America is God’s enemy” was added and they continued on in their line.

It is a tradition in most burial ceremonies that when the deceased is brought to his home and before he is buried, a few minutes of silence be observed for the household in general and the ladies in particular to bid farewell to their loved one and express what is in their hearts to their God in the language of weeping and mourning and ease their heartbreak over the body of their dearly departed. But in this show, the brothers were apparently so nervous about the details that they did let not the loudspeakers go silent for even a second and the eulogizers and the professional sloganeers played their role in this show so well with the help of their powerful stereos that no one could even hear the weeping of Massoud’s relatives. It was heard that once, one of the gentlemen even snapped at the widow! Apparently, Massoud’s friends and family had no choice but to give in. His family was anxious lest the services collapse and obstacles be created to holding the remaining programs, such as the memorial service [held after three days] and the unveiling of the tomb [held after a week] and so on. Those who loved Massoud had no choice but to offer tears and seek his elevation and forgiveness for his pure soul. They had no choice but to stand aside and surrender Massoud’s body to strangers to do the best they could. People took Massoud’s coffin whose sole acquaintance with him began when he was a blood-drenched corpse.

A bit further on, forty or fifty of the country’s physics professors and researchers looked on teary-eyed and followed the crowd, along with many ordinary people from Massoud’s neighborhood or family or circle, estimated at over one or two thousand. The people who would bury him were at a crossroad. On the one hand, they all wanted to respect Ali-Mohammadi’s soul and to bury his body in accordance with the common tradition. On the other hand, there was the show underway ahead of them, all partisan slogans and partisan participants, and few there were who wanted to appear in a picture with that mob. The photographers of the official media all surrounded the minivan leading this group in motion and steadily followed the figures who were guiding the special atmosphere which prevailed among them.

A few minutes later, something interesting happened. A crowd of a few hundred students from Tehran University, especially kids from the physics faculty, were assembled behind a picture of Dr. Ali-Mohamnmadi and were following it in silence, except when they would now and then offer a salavat. They gradually opened up a gap between themselves and the government burial squad and parted from the show which had been prepared in advance. The burial squad gradually noticed this crowd and mixed in with them and separated from the ranks of the brothers’ official show. It was an interesting scene. The gentlemen in front suddenly saw that they had been abandoned. There they were, all alone. One or two of them angrily came to snatch from the students’ hands the poster behind which they had assembled, but the crowd resisted.

Gradually, the slogan “There is no deity but God and Mohammad is His messenger” arose from the crowd and filled the street. It was so loud that the brothers’ very powerful loudspeakers could no longer be heard. As the painters say, an interesting contrast was created. On this side, there were tears and “There is no deity but God.” On the other, the exasperating blare of the loudspeakers and “Death to the Hypocrites” and “Death to the opponents of the velayat-e faqih.” On the one hand there were sighs of grief over the loss of a beloved professor whom the students adored like his children and who were now being deprived of even bidding good-bye to his lifeless corpse. On the one hand, there was there was the rage and confusion of those who were anxious about Massoud’s body falling into others’ hands and were protecting it as if it were war booty. On the one hand, there was pure love and a sincere funeral held by those who saw that they had lost Massoud. On the other hand, there were cameras and the violent domination of those who felt that they had seized Massoud. On the one hand, there was the silence of the long-suffering which was the only refuge of the eternal slogan, “There is no deity but God.” On the other hand, there were five or ten people chanting slogans of “Death” and “Infidel” which were, in practice, used to eliminate the other. As soon as the brothers saw that the situation was getting out of hand, they retreated to close the gap between themselves and the green crowd and once more take control. To do this, they even drove the minivan they had been donated in reverse, when one of the ladies shouted, “If you run someone over, don’t say that the minivan was stolen!”

Around this contrasting tableau, there was a black circle of black-clad riot officers with various equipment which had surrounded the crowd, and motorcyclists who were going to and fro. Fear and anxiety filled the air and no one knew if the services would come peacefully to an end. Our friends counted over a thousand anti-riot police. Along the way, a great mass of several hundred of them were being held at the ready in a sports arena.

After an hour of this dual burial ceremony, we learned that the gentlemen had removed the body from the ambulance to the burial site, i.e., the Ali Akbar Chizar Shrine. The participants gradually dispersed and they each tried to reach it however they could.

Around eleven in the morning, the streets around the shrine were filled with the crowd and anti-riot forces. Massoud’s corpse was like war booty in the gentlemen’s hands. There were not even any means to easily approach their crowd. At the same time, people were concerned about the likelihood of a violent confrontation with the gentlemen and did not want to mingle with them.

Massoud’s friends and students were in practice deprived of reading prayers over his body or participating in the burial service. The gentlemen performed these services as they wished. While conducting the burial, the shrine’s gates were locked and we saw bits of

Another scene from Massoud Ali-Mohammadi's funeral

the services from behind the far side of the walls surrounding it. Amir would say that this scene reminded me of the Baqi` Gravesite, which can only be peered into from behind lattice walls.

Even during the burial, the loudspeakers uninterruptedly issued slogans. No one could even hear the sound of the funeral of those few bereaved among Massoud’s relatives who had been able to approach the burial site. It was as if the gentlemen were nervous lest the previous scenario  at the burial would be repeated and the mourners would say things which were not to their liking in the course of their weeping.

It was not yet noon when Massoud was buried and it all came to an end. The grieving students returned to their residences and the members of the burial squad each went his own way. By the time the call went up for the noon prayer, there was no sign of the zealots who were worried lest Massoud’s body wind up into others’ hands. Their anxieties were at an end and they could now breath a sigh of relief and leave. If only we could have seen how many of those who had clung so tightly to Massoud’s body showed up to the graveside to recite the Fatiha. Massoud was only away from us these two days after the moment of his martyrdom. From now on, the spiritual effect which remains of him will not belong to some of those who were only present next to his corpse. Massoud was ours for fifty years, and he is still ours. It was only for one day that his coffin was stolen from us, and that’s over.

The Tehran University physics faculty will witness Massoud’s absence tomorrow and the students, despite their tears and sorrows, will earnestly strive to keep the torch of learning blazing in the land of Iran. His family, too, must get used to living without him. What a hard task! Is it possible to forget someone whose presence was felt the whole time he was here and around whom the atmosphere was filled with his energy? But there is nothing for it. One must live. God be their succour.

http://shirzad.ir/2010/01/post_165.html